Parallel striking reconstruction and chronological numismatic interpretation more

BENEDETTO CARROCCIO * PARALLEL STRIKING RECONSTRUCTION AND CHRONOLOGICAL NUMISMATIC INTERPRETATION In the initial invitation to the conference at which this paper was presented, Fr. de Callataÿ made some provocative remarks, also asking us the reasons for the increasingly small number of die-studies in recent years and the lack of interest shown in quantitative numismatic analyses, and their results, by specialists of the ancient economy. Since I have spent much of my time on studies aimed at reconstructing diesequences, I feel the need to respond to these doubts, and to stress the importance of die-studies as a method for determining the breadth and relative chronology of coin series. I also wish to reconsider some of the many possible questions 1 which determine the historical usefulness of such studies, and which have not yet received unequivocal answers: «How long did, or could, a Greek coin issue last?; How can we establish its intensity?; Was minting subject to uniform rhythms?». The importance of these questions is comparable to that of the “5 Ws” in journalism, since any determination of the absolute chronology of a coin series based on die-analysis must necessarily rest on a credible idea of the methods adopted by the Greek states in the manufacture and issue of coinage, and of the reasons why they began and sometimes intensified, or interrupted, minting activity. In fact, a series whose chronology is uncertain or imprecise cannot profitably be used for historicaleconomic or historical-political reconstructions enjoying wide-ranging and long-lasting consensus. 2 Despite this, many scholars have preferred to focus on * University of Calabria, Arcavacata di Rende (Cosenza, Italy). Thanking F. de Callatay from ̈ inviting me to talk on this topic and Dr. S. Tanner (Univ. of Messina) for the translation in English, my thoughts return to the kindness and attention shown to me by S. Hurter, when I present this paper, shortly before her death. 1 Such as those already perceptively expressed in Hackens 1975, 189. 2 Ibidem, 196: «parler du rythme des émissions antiques implique donc que nous ne connaissons la signification, les occasions, la structure, le nombre de coins et jusqu’au pédigré des exemplaires qui servent de base à nos classements». QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it 82 BENEDETTO CARROCCIO identifying individual dies and reconstructing the individual fragments of their sequence instead of establishing accurately their chronologies. The chronologies, based above all on stylistic analyses, and on archaeological data which are often uncertain and compromised, 3 are thus necessarily generic – with margins of quarter or half centuries –, yet nevertheless are then taken up by others as certain and absolute facts. Perhaps also as a reaction against this type of uncertainty, other scholars have preferred to dedicate their energies, without immediately coming to historical conclusions, to apparently more objective quantitative analyses, aiming to reconstruct the original number of dies used, starting with those identified, or the original number of coins minted. These analyses, based on statistical formulas of probability, have in many cases given rise to basically concordant results, but have also led to heated debates on the validity of the procedures adopted and the value of extending the results of any given study to others. 4 Although I agree with the importance of any efforts aimed at furthering our knowledge, while awaiting greater consensus on the subject, I will not linger on them, except to stress the validity of those procedures aimed, more humbly, at comparing and making comparable the number of dies effectively used for each issue 5 within a sample (historical period, mint, or region) sufficiently extensive and homogenous. 6 Even the objective fact of the number of dies identified may lead to unrealistic reconstructive theories, unless it complies with an historically credible idea of ancient minting methods, and is scientifically tested on the basis of the above questions. In effect, many scholars have treated, and continue to treat the coin issues of the Greek states from the archaic age onwards as a means whereby the state regulated the economy and trade. This dogmatic assumption, which confers excessive validity on an Aristotelian passage on the origin of coinage, today hotly debated, 7 attributes 20th-century desires and practices to the poleis. In reality, even the Savoy 3 On this point, and in particular on the scant reliability – if not harmfulness – of secondary data not coming from official and methodologically accurate archaeological digs, cf. Carroccio 2004, 109-111 and 115-117, as well as previously Hackens 1987, 3; de Callataÿ 2001, 38. 4 Cf., for example, Hackens 1975, 194-196; Buttrey 1993; Buttrey 1994; de Callataÿ 1995; Savio 1997, 16-40 and 47-48; de Callataÿ 2006, 112-123. 5 Adapted to various metals and denominations as proposed in Carroccio 2004, 127-131 and graphs 2-3, and previously in Holloway 1987, 13, considering the possible exceptional situations mentioned by de Callataÿ 2006, 142-143, without giving them excessive importance. In order to be applied in really valid and unambiguous terms, this method however necessarily requires an attentive and shrewd chronological calculation, established by other means, of the effective duration of an issue: a series minted using 30 dies may be considered minted infrequently if distributed over 20 years, or more massive, if distributed over 5 or 10 years. 6 As already more generically suggested in the name of a “méthodologie des ensembles” by Hackens 1975, 192 n. 20; 193. 7 Cf. Arist. Polit. I, 9, 1257a; Catalli 2003, 35-38; Barello 2006, 60-63. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it PARALLEL STRIKING RECONSTRUCTION AND CHRONOLOGICAL NUMISMATIC INTERPRETATION 83 state never made regular issues of token and small coinage prior to Italian unity in 1861. 8 We should thus stress that the methodological doubts and objections raised by T. Hackens in the 1987 conference on coining rhythms are still well founded and relevant. He talked, as I have, of «notions du XIXe ou du XXe s. projetées dans le passé» and claimed that «Un rythme de production régulier dans un atelier monétaire est chose illusoire, imaginée par un exercice scolaire de moyenne arithmétique… sur un nombre d’années hypothétique… une émission peut durer 1 mois… et alimenter la circulation pendant des années». 9 Despite this, R. Holloway, dealing with Sicilian issues in the same conference, maintained, and was subsequently followed by others, that it was possible to deduce the intensity of the issue by dividing the number of obverse dies observed into groups of ten, or five, associated with the years of duration hypothesised for each issue. 10 In addition to the justified criticisms of many towards this decadalogy, which is the fruit of a modern mentality 11 – and which Holloway maintained was essential because he believed in issues at regular intervals –, 12 I have to observe that the method rests on extremely shaky foundations, and in the past has produced chronologies which subsequently turned out to be unacceptable. For example, many authors, believing silver coinage prior to the “creseids” (ca. 561-546 BC) 13 to be of Greek origin, used circular reasoning to deduce excessively early (or sometimes excessively later) chronologies and long durations for the first series of Korinth (from 657 or from 570 BC!), Aigina (from 580 BC!), Athens or Sybaris, based precisely on the number of dies, and supposing the continued use of no more that one or two dies per year. 14 The comparisons with Greek painting art used to confirm these chronologies then turned out to be equally misleading, since they underestimated the stylistic conservatism connected with the official Cf. Montenegro 2005, 60-61 and 87-89. Cf. Hackens 1987, 4-5 and 8-9 and previously Le Rider 1963, 182. 10 Cf. Holloway 1987, 13-16. 11 Cf. also supra, n. 5 and infra, n. 18. 12 Cf. Holloway 1987, 12-13. The examples mentioned by the author seem limited, and perhaps exceptional or uncertain, insofar as they are based on interpretations by other scholars which are not as widely accepted as others cited infra. 13 The introduction of these series – together with the first silver issues – in the years of the reign of Croesus, in accordance with the most common interpretation of the indications in Herod. I, 94 and Poll. IX, 84 (on which, cf. also Caccamo Caltabiano and Radici Colace 1992, 106-107 and 118), rather than during the subsequent Persian domination, received new archaeological confirmation from some recent finds by Sardis, for which cf. Cahill & Kroll 2005. 14 Cf. Ravel 1936-1948, 45-53 and 100; Kraay 1976, 42-43 and 79-82; Kroll & Waggoner 1984, 333ff. (with the same data used, meanwhile, to propose a later chronology for the first archaic series). 9 8 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it 84 BENEDETTO CARROCCIO nature of coinage, evident, for example, in the Athenian “owls” of the 5th century BC. 15 Moreover, many series are still attributed with conviction, but without certain grounds, to all the years of rule of a king, even if he reigned for 60 or 37 years, such as Hiero II (275-215 BC) 16 or Dionysius I (405-368 BC) 17 in Syracuse, and even if the political and strategic situation of his state was subject to moments of great crisis and change. This distribution of the individual coin issues within medium-long periods as a consequence of a presumed and undemonstrated constancy in the rhythm of minting, in turn produced other equally tenuous calculations, suggesting an average coin production similar to – if not actually lower than – the aforementioned estimate of one obverse die per year. 18 But is it credible to think that major poleis, even when they were subjected to large and urgent requests of expenditure, in periods without trade unions and the right to a siesta, minted so slowly that they produced – calculating a production of 30,000 coins per die and the use of only one die per year by few workers – no more than 80 coins per day? 19 Such an estimate quite frankly seems improbable! We can find a credible solution to this and to the other previous questions by Cf. Le Rider 1963, 180; Hackens 1975, 190; Trevett 2001, 28-31. Cf. Carroccio 1994, 3-12 and 16-18 for a summary of the previous attributions; Bell 1983, for the particularly ill-judged practice of dividing the coins surviving in a single site of two successive series of Hiero by the years of the king’s rule, with the assumption that this could provide the chronological breadth of both series. 17 Cf. Mele 1993; Boehringer 1993. 18 Cf. Holloway 1987,14 (Himera: 0.90 or 0.44 “Attic tetradrachm dies” per year; Zankle: 1.0 “A. t. dies” per year; Syrakosa: 0.56-1.06 “A. t. dies” per year; Gela: 1.7-1.9 “A. t. dies” per year), 15 (Akragas: 0.7 “A. t. dies” per year; Kamarina: 0.46 “A. t. dies” per year; Naxos: 0.12“A. t. dies” per year!), 16 (similar estimates for Gela, Katane, Naxos and Kamarina towards the mid-5th century BC). The data proposed in the summary table by de Callataÿ 2006, 118-121 (which is useful here if referring to the dies effectively used, and thus to the effective intensity of minting activity), in their divergence from this rhythm, at times significant, at times meagre, confirm my impression both of the fallacy of excessively long chronologies, and that much more frequent and intensive minting rhythms were possible. 19 In fact, 30,000/365 = 82.19. The calculation of the average productivity of the obverse dies is still subject to great debate, and estimates have been proposed which are even much lower than the more widely accepted figures on which I have based my calculations. These estimates, moreover falling like the previous ones within an acceptable range, if correct,would further reinforce my doubts. For the various terms of the debate, cf. Le Rider 1963, 177-178 (“...durée moyenne ‘un coin de droit...de trois à cinq mois...”); Savio 1997, 23-40; de Callataÿ 2001, 28-30 (“Les sources médiévales...indiquent qu’une équipe pouvait frapper 3 à 4000 pièces par jour en période de frappe intensive...”); de Callataÿ 2006, 114-116 (also regarding the perplexities of Th. Buttrey on the productivity of 30,000 coins per obverse die in Republican Rome proposed by Crawford 1974, 694) and 121 (for the calculation of a maximum theoretical productivity for an anvil of 4 obverse dies per month!); Barello 2006, 129. 16 15 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it PARALLEL STRIKING RECONSTRUCTION AND CHRONOLOGICAL NUMISMATIC INTERPRETATION 85 verifying and comparing the methods used to organise and link the dies recorded in the corpora, or in their preliminary reports. We have a debt of gratitude towards the scholars who have dedicated such hard work to identifying the dies, but the reconstructions of the die-sequences, even accepting the order of substitution of the reverse dies on the basis of the progressive wear of the obverses (which is not always easy to ascertain), 20 should always be updated with any new finds, 21 or discussed, to see whether there may be any plausible alternative reconstructions. I believe that the theory I propose here, on the basis of my experience, although requiring further verification, already leads to such unequivocal results that it poses the need to reinterpret our benchmarks. When I identified 48 obverse dies and 63 reverses 22 for the last phase of the gold coins of Hiero II, I apparently found myself dealing with a complex, non-linear sequence, different from the traditional sequence set forth in the manuals, whereby a reverse die can be linked at most to two successive obverse dies, and only if the reverse is placed in the sequence when the first obverse is worn out and if the second has not had an excessively short life. 23 This sequence instead appeared similar to that reproduced by E. Arslan for the groups of Brettian Nike/Aisaros drachmas (fig. 1, left), and by D. Berend for the Syracusan gold coins of Agathocles (fig. 5, right), with graphs in which the lines connecting each obverse with its reverse seemed to have to cross a large number of times, or to the reduced sequence, shown in a different figure, by Jenkins for Group IId of Geloan tetradrachms (fig. 1, right). 24 The situation was not new, and numismatists have often made recourse to various expedients to try and admit these crossings while keeping the chronological succession proposed for the dies legible, most of the time independently of this particular situation. In the case of the Brettian series, and in particular of the “gruppo con P e PA”, 20 We should always remember, beyond the margins of subjectivity in any study of the die marks on different coins, that before the recent spread of digital photography, many assessments by scholars were not carried out directly on the originals, but on unclear photographs, or plaster casts which at times displayed impurities not originally present on the coins. Cf. Savio 1997, 40-43; de Callataÿ 2001, 25. In an age now dominated by the extensive accessibility of computer tools, it would however be excessive to deduce that criticism of past studies implies pessimism regarding the possibility of more accurate studies in the future. 21 Such as those relative to the well-known “Randazzo Hoard” which allowed Arnold-Biucchi 1990, 19-22, 30-37 and 46-47, to update the sequences of the dies previously published for many Siceliot mints. 22 Cf. Carroccio 1994, 128-130. 23 Cf., e.g., Boehringer 1929, 2-4; Franke & Hirmer 1964, 27-29; de Callataÿ 2001, 24; Barello 2006, 127-128; Catalli 2003, 23. 24 Arslan 1989, 121-123; Jenkins 1970, 42. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it 86 BENEDETTO CARROCCIO Fig. 1. - Schemes of crossed die-sequence drawn by Arslan for the “P and PA group” of the Brettian Nike/Aisanos drachm and by Jenkins for the “Group IId” of Geloan tetradrachms. the many “crossed” links (at least 40 times!) of the reverses with 3, 4, or 5 obverses thought to have been used at various times, were explained by the scholar – who strongly, and rightly believed that the reverses with P were in any case used prior to those with PA monogram – by suggesting that the minter had many reverse dies marked with the same control-mark available at the same time. These reverses would have been freely and randomly connected, even at a much later date and before becoming worn, with a single obverse die at a time. The obverse die, meanwhile, would have been replaced only when it was no longer in use, meaning that only one pair of dies would be used each day. 25 Therefore, assuming the duration of the issues from the number of obverse dies, the group with P or PA of the Nike/Aisaros series would have had the same duration as its 17 obverse dies, and the entire series, with 48 obverse dies used by 5 non-contemporaneous groups, would have been minted for a good part of the 13 years of the Brettian revolt against Rome (216-203 BC). 26 However in the gold coins of Hiero, reverse dies with different control-marks 25 Ibidem, 79-82 and 123. The author’s refusal to accept the hypothesis of contemporaneous minting using a number of anvils seems to depend on his overestimate (without certain proof) of the role played by the secondary symbols on the obverse as “master symbols” of those responsible for the minting. 26 On this chronological collocation of the Brettian series, already proposed by Pfeiler 1964 and by now certain, cf., among the most recent, Marchetti 1978, 457-463; Taliercio Mensitieri 1988; Taliercio Mensitieri 1995; Parise 1993; Caccamo Caltabiano 1995. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it PARALLEL STRIKING RECONSTRUCTION AND CHRONOLOGICAL NUMISMATIC INTERPRETATION 87 were linked to obverses according to the same succession of 3 or 4 marks: the monogram linking A and P always replaced the A and was always followed by a E, or by a P always however used after A-P and before E. Two obverse dies could also be linked to a single group of reverses used in the same order. 27 Since it is not logical that the same sequence of different marks and dies was repeated a number of times, the marks have been interpreted Fig. 2. - Partial scheme of parallel die-sequence with many as indicating different periods anvils of the gold coins of Hiero II of Syracuse (from of minting by sectors of a Carroccio 1994, 87). mint using a number of obverse dies – and thus various anvils and groups of workers – at the same time and in the same environment, associating them at random with the few reverses available, insofar as they were strictly necessary to multiply the number of coins minted each day (fig. 2). Thus, the general pattern drawn up to summarise the die-sequence of Hiero’s gold coins, which I feel I can confirm, 28 shows that the maximum duration of the last phase of minting was not of 43, but of 9 obverses, the maximum number attributed to a single anvil. 29 These coins were thus minted in a hurry, from between two and five anvils, in the last three years of Hiero II’s reign alone and the first years of the 2nd Punic War, because one of their last obverses continued to be minted with a reverse of Hieronymus (who succeeded Hiero in the spring of 215 BC), maintaining one of the control-marks of his predecessor. 30 The analysis of the dies of Syracusan silver series of Hiero II, Philistides, and 27 Cf. Carroccio 1993, 68-69; Carroccio 1994, 60, 86-90 and 122-127 (the figure on 87, unlike those on 60 and 126, is incorrect due to a printing error). 28 As far as I am aware, only a single pair of dies has been published (Auction Triton X, January 9 2007, n. 99) already known to me (D40 and R36) which I did not know were linked. This pair of dies, rather than changing the picture I propose, consolidates it, with a new link that appears easy to integrate within the reconstruction summarised in Carroccio 1994, 126, which appears and even more concentrated and linked, with a slightly greater priority of D40. 29 Ibidem, 86-90, 96 and 122-127. 30 Cf. Holloway 1969, 7 and 28; Carroccio 1994, 102. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it 88 BENEDETTO CARROCCIO Gelo II wich I performed with M. Caltabiano and E. Oteri 31 similarly recorded the appearance on various denominations of various control-marks succeeding each other in the same order. Some reviewers have considered the attribution of 72 obverse dies of the tetradrachm of Philistides in the years between 217 and 214 BC alone to be too compressed, because they are convinced that Syracuse must have minted silver also in the previous decades. 32 Due to printing requirements, the visual representation of the sequence of dies is limited, but I believe that we have demonstrated that this coin was minted contemporaneously by two work groups, distinguished by a different quadriga (walking or galloping) on the reverse, with four or five keepers, indicated by alphabetical control-marks, which used various anvils contemporaneously, thus reducing the time necessary to produce this hurried issue. 33 Its largest subgroup, marked in succession with the marks E-K-KI-KIS, which uses 21 obverse dies in total, can also be ordered into a rational succession only by hypothesising a number of different anvils, 34 so it is wrong to think that the tetradrachms of Philistides had a “duration” of 72 obverse dies. Rather, this number was much lower than that of the 21 dies of the subgroup. Confirming this rhythm and these measurements, Holloway believes that also Hieronymus, in the mere 13 months he reigned before being killed by the Republicans (who of course immediately interrupted the issues), used a number of contemporaneously operating minting groups for his didrachms, which may have ranged from 3 – considering the two phases of the portrait of the sovereign established by the scholar – to 5, given the association, in the two cases of the series with AF and KI, of obverse dies bearing the same control-mark as the same succession of reverse dies. The anvils then activated thus used at most 3 or 4 obverse dies each. 35 At this point, however, we may wonder whether the intense and contemporaneous minting activity hypothesised for the issues of the last years of Hiero’s reign in Syracuse is also found and confirmed in other issues or mints already subjected to die-studies. We can thus see if, by applying the same combinatory method, we may also try and graphically reorganise these series, in a Cf. Caccamo Caltabiano and Carroccio and Oteri 1997, 61-92. Cf. Arnold-Biucchi 2002 and more prudently Burnett 1999, 365-366. 33 Cf. Caccamo Caltabiano, Carroccio & Oteri 1997, 38, 65-76 and 84-87. 34 Ibidem, 69 and 84. 35 Cf. Holloway 1969, 25-36. The author identifies 7 autonomous work groups distinguished by different control-marks, 3 of which used only one obverse die. Mine is a minimal estimate, which takes into consideration the possibility, taken from the analysis of the Hiero series, that the controlmark FI was used by the same anvil using, previously, MI, and that the same took place for the only pair of dies marked with ΣΩ. The groups of reverse dies associated with various obverse dies are those constituted by R19, R20, R22 (associated both with O11 and O12) and by R38 and R39 (associated with O22). 32 31 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 3. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of the “P and PA group” of Brettian Nike/Aisanos drachms (216-203 BC?). way that takes into account the certain successions and die wear already reported, but which also avoids crossing the links between the dies and conveniently explaining this as the resumed use of individual dies previously set aside. If, by starting with the cases for which we have a “fossil-guide” of the various control-marks, “we let the coins do the talking”, aiming to simplify the resulting picture as far as possible, we in fact often end up acknowledging that such parallel minting was more likely and logical than previously supposed. 36 As we can see in figure 3, which arranges the sequences attributable to various anvils in horizontal parallel rows, and uses discontinuous dotted lines to indicate the reverses linked to an obverse not shared with other obverses, the ascertained succession of control marks from P to the PA monogram allows us to better arrange the homonymous and already mentioned group of the Brettian Nike/Aisaros series into 5 or 7 contemporary anvils (considering the two least operational), 4 of which with the linked succession from P to the PA monogram, lasting no longer than 6 obverse dies each. Other groups or Brettian silver series also seem to have been struck using 2 or 3 anvils, with similar results, which lead us to suppose an even shorter duration than so far supposed. 37 36 On the other hand, Le Rider 1963, 178 was already aware, with regard to the obverse dies, that «...il y en avait plusieurs à la fois en service». 37 This is the case above all of the groups “with snake and S” and “with lit altar” of the Nike/Aisaros series, as well as of the “eagle” and “crab” groups of the Hera/Zeus series, also characterised by sequence tables with crossed die links. Cf. Arslan 1989, 118-122. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 4. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence with 3 anvils of the Syracusan gold coinage of Hicetas (279-278 BC). If then, going back in time, we return to Syracuse, we may note that already T. Buttrey had supposed that the brief gold issue of Hicetas (dynast from 289 to 287 BC) had been minted by its 6 obverse dies making use at the same time of 2 anvils and associating reverse dies with different control marks with the obverses at random. 38 If however we apply the same method to it and to the new data available, considering the author’s observations on the wear of the dies, we can hypothesise (figure 4) the contemporary use of 3 anvils, with 4 obverses at most, and achieve a sequence at least partially more rational also for those control marks, 39 Cf. Buttrey 1973, 13-15. 1 new obverse and 2 new reverse dies were published in the catalogues of the auctions MuM 10°, 22/03/02 n.166 and Gemini, 06/01/09 n. 482 (coupled with obverse 4). It should be noted that, in effect, we are faced with a double system of marking: while on the obverse we can always note a single mark, iconic or alphabetical, on the reverses we find the almost constant coexistence of a frequently repeated iconic symbol (lightning bolt - crescent moon – ear of wheat – star – torch) and of one or two alphabetical signs, presumably independent of each other and placed in a variety of positions with respect to the biga, which according to my suggested reconstruction, succeeded in the order: G – Q – F and Q – F and A or only A – perhaps H – F and K or once again Q – S. There is no lack also of exceptions (the reverse dies rS and rM display the alphabetical mark alone, while the reverse dies rA and rF bear two iconic marks – lightning bolt and star or ear or wheat and star – and no alphabetical mark) and remaining uncertainties. Only the completion of the sequence of the dies of all the series of the time (initiated for a bronze series, cf. Carroccio 2000) may perhaps dispel any remaining doubts. 39 38 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 5. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of the Syracusan gold Athena/Fulmen issue Agathocles (from 306 BC). reinforcing the scholar’s hypothesis – based also on other arguments – of a narrow chronology for the series between 279 and 278 BC. 40 The Athena/Fulmine gold coins of the basileus Agathocles (306-287 BC) studied by Bérend can also be ordered more linearly, on the basis of the links of control marks – without hypothesising a subsequent resumption of the monogram E-Y (dies 1R and 5R Bérend), but confirming the scholar’s impression of an issue «intensive et sans doute de courte durée» – , 41 produced ‘at lightning speed’ from 5 anvils, using 2 obverse dies each at most (fig. 5). M. Ierardi, while presenting a ‘crossed-line’ scheme for the Kore/Quadriga tetradrachms struck by Agathocles when not yet basileus, with 16 obverse dies, believed that they were struck in parallel using a number of anvils or groups of anvils. 42 In effect, if we consider the die links, and order the control-marks on the obverse, we come up with a pattern without crossed lines using 4 or perhaps 6 anvils at most (fig. 6), and therefore a duration, in the final analysis, shorter than the 7 or 10 years, from 317 to 310 or 307 BC, suggested by scho40 Also in consideration of the erasure of the inscription EPI IKETA, subsequently replaced with SURAKOSWN, in the last dies, which suggests continued issuing in the weeks or days following the fall of the dynast. Cf. Buttrey 1973, 7 and 11-16. 41 Cf. Bérend 1998, 37-38 and 40. 42 Cf. Ierardi 1995-1996, 4-6. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 6. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of Syracusan Kore/Quadriga tetradrachms of Agathocles (317-310 BC?). lars, 43 which suggest that we should further check the historical context and reasons for this issue. Without imagining that this is all there is to say on the Syracusan issues, the revision of the sequence of decadrachms of Euainetos recently published by R. Scavino has also shown the greater rationality of organising their dies and control marks on the basis of 3 anvils (sharing no fewer that 18 reverse dies out of 39) operating with at most 9 obverse dies each, and contemporaneously making use of the same control marks. 44 Its revision, and the analysis of the epigraphical information, 45 confirm that these decadrachms were issued at almost exactly the same time as those from Kimon and the 100 litrai (Female head/Herakles fighting a lion) gold coins. For these coins, also Bérend supposed a parallel production at least of the first two groups, however noting also that “groupe III” and “groupe IV” show such an abundance of links and crossings of dies as to make us suppose a contemporary use of the majority of the obverse dies (at least 3 in the case of “groupe IV”) and, consequently, intense production and an extremely short duration Ibidem, 23-25 and 37; Jenkins 1968, 151-152. Cf. Scavino 2008, 137-143 and 168-169, taking up an undeveloped intuition previously expressed in Gallatin 1930, 5-13. 45 Represented by the first introduction, in that age, of the W in the majority of the gold series and in the decadrachms. Cf. Scavino 2008, 138-140; Bérend 1993, 101; Caccamo Caltabiano 2002, 34. 44 43 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it PARALLEL STRIKING RECONSTRUCTION AND CHRONOLOGICAL NUMISMATIC INTERPRETATION 93 of this issue. The 50 gold litrai with a horse on the reverse, produced using a lower number of similarly crossed dies, would have had a similar duration. 46 Far from affecting only the technical level, the picture of the coin activity which emerges from the structure of the decadrachms and of the 100 gold litrai strongly confirms the traditional chronology of both the series not during the long reign of Dionysius I – as recently maintained 47 –, but in the mere three years of intense military activity following the victory of 413 BC, already proposed in 1987 for the decadrachms, on stylistic and iconographic grounds, by M. Caltabiano. 48 The examples seen so far lead us to verify the possibility of parallel minting also for other issues from the Hellenistic, Classical or Archaic Age, not distinguished by different control-marks, which display similar links of groups of reverse dies. The Agathocles Kore/Nike and trophy tetradrachms, for which Ierardi also hypothesised the use of various anvils, 49 were already reordered by V. Armagrande following checks on a greater number of coins as well as a more plausible analysis of the dies and of the historical, legal and epigraphic context. This check showed that the original legend, despite a die from a gold series retouched before being used, was AGAQOKLEIOS, later replaced by the more monarchic AGAQOKEOS. 50 These latter tetradrachms may also be ordered into a sequence of 3 anvils using no more than 3 obverses each (fig. 7). If we go back to the 5th century BC, Jenkins, in his corpus of the coinage of Gela, scrupulously recording the traces of wear on the dies, maintained for groups IIc, IId and III that «the complexity of die-plan...can only mean that several obverses were in use at once». 51 However, he did not try to estimate the number of operating anvils, and nor did he generalise the hypothesis or draw chronological conclusions. In a study on the Geloan riders of the groups Ia-Ic Caltabiano however proposed a parallel issue, with political symbolism, for the coins with different riders starting from phase Ib. 52 In effect, due to the extremely high number of shared reverse dies (fig. 8), we can order them into even more than the two groups proposed by the scholar: Cf. Bérend 1993, 100, 102, 105, 108 and 112-113. Cf. Boehringer 1993; Scavino 2008, 134-135 and 144 for a bibliographical summary and the various arguments presented. 48 Cf. Caccamo Caltabiano 1987. Moreover, Bérend 1993, 108, placed the gold series in around 404 BC also because he did not believe it was possible for them to be distributed over the entire duration of the reign of Dionysius. 49 Cf. Ierardi 1995-1996, 13. 50 Cf. Armagrande 2000a, 225-226; Armagrande 2000b, 214-217 and 219-220. 51 Cf. Jenkins 1970, 46 and 55. 52 Cf. Caccamo Caltabiano 2005, 25-27. 47 46 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 7. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of Syracusan Kore/Trophy tetradrachms with AGAQOKLEOS (310-306 BC?). a) three initial parallel anvils: one with a bareheaded rider and two with riders wearing Phrygian helmets, b) subsequently, very soon moving the use of the anvils, two with a bare head and one wearing an Attic helmet; c) subsequently two anvils in total, one with a rider wearing a pileus and one wearing Attic helmet; d) lastly four anvils, three showing a rider with a pileus, one with a Phrygian helmet. In the 15 years’ duration attributed to group I by Jenkins (490-475 BC), there would thus have been used no more than 19 obverses per anvil, or even fewer, if the groups Id and If were contemporary, and considering that in the concentrated Ib phase mentioned above, no more than 6 dies per anvil would have been used. Far from being a situation isolated within Greek coinage, this plurality of anvils seems to be further found with regards to group II, for which Jenkins hypothesised a duration of 10 years (480-470 BC), albeit being constituted of 20 obverses, minted also on 5 anvils (at the moment of the minting of group IId), with no more than 7 obverses per anvil. 53 But above all the 14 obverses of group III, made to last 15 years (465-450 BC), 54 struck using 5 or 6 anvils, with no more than 3 obverse 53 54 Cf. Jenkins 1970, 40-49. Cf. Jenkins 1970, 51-58; Arnold-Biucchi 1990, 21-22. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 8. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of Geloan riders’ didrachms of Jenkins’ Ib Group (ca. 480 BC). dies each (fig. 9), show us that Jenkins’s already precise, but continuative chronologies may be further improved and tightened by following his own reasoning, taking for granted some interruptions in the minting rhythm. The narrow chronology of the Syracusan silver massive coinages collocated by Boehringer within a few decades of the first half of the 5th century BC 55 was criticised by C. Kraay due to the large number of dies attributed to this phase, 56 but both K. Jenkins and C. Arnold-Biucchi, who found new pairs of dies in the Randazzo Hoard, agreed that «...there are a number of die-links...then, ... the Massenprägung was a concentrated coinage, probably issued in several parallel streams, and not a prolonged one» and that «coinage is always intermittent...within the phases the issues can be considered parallel and contemporary». 57 Moreover, there is an increase in the number of links, which shows that the various groups of dies were contemporary, and the very rehie 11 by Boehringer, considering the updates of Arnold-Biucchi, is found to have been struck on at least two anvils, perhaps in the order summarised in figure 10. 58 Returning to Magna Graecia, also Terina – judging by the identification of dies by Regling, and as already noted the author of the first numismatic corpus in his- 55 56 Cf. Boehringer 1929, 17-41. Cf. Kraay & Hirmer 1966, 280 and 288; Kraay 1969, 19-42; Kraay 1976, 205 and 211. 57 Cf. Jenkins 1970, 27; Arnold-Biucchi 1990, 32-37. 58 Cf. Boehringer 1929, 27-28; Arnold-Biucchi 1990, 34-36. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it 96 BENEDETTO CARROCCIO tory – made recourse to at least 2 anvils to strike the staters of groups III and IV (fig. 11), with 18 obverse dies and 35 reverse dies, in a proposed time span – from 425 to 400 BC –, which, allowing for less than one obverse die per year, at this point would however be too long. 59 Velia, on the other hand, thanks to the analysis by R. Williams, does not seem to reject this picture: the die-linkage graphs proposed for “Sections 1 and 2” of the 1st Period (535-510 BC) – which seem implicitly intended to be almost parallel – and, above all, for the series of the 5th Period (365-340 BC), are as crossed – albeit by making recourse to different graphic expedients – as Fig. 9. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of the Geloan tetradrachms of the Jenkins’ III Group (465the most complicated so far exam450 BC?). ined. The author fails to discuss the reason for, or plausibility of this, almost as if he believed in a random association of obverses with reverses. 60 However, it is logical to suppose that the minting activity was organised in a similar way to that which I have reconstructed for other mints. There are thus numerous examples of the phenomenon to which I have dedicated this study, and they can certainly be found beyond the territorial scope of Sicily or Magna Graecia. Here I would merely like to mention the many crossings of dies found in the sequence of the Knidos series studied by H. Cahn. Paradoxically, the author hypothesised a number of contemporary production lines for the first series of the 6th century BC on the basis of a single double association of a reverse die. Vice versa, he denied the possibility of parallel minting for series III (490-465 BC) and above all IV (465-449 BC) and VI (411-394 BC), whose pattern of associations of various reverse dies with various obverse dies is entirely comparable with those we have previously examined. His discussion of this point, albeit attentive, is unconvincing, since it seems compromised by the inability to conceive the 59 60 Cf. Regling 1906, 38-40, 46-47, 50-52. Cf. Williams 1992, 4-6, 11 and 58-62. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 10. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence (partial) of the Syracusan tetradrachms of the Reihe 11 Boehringer (5thc. BC). Fig. 11. - Proposal of parallel die-sequence of the nomoi of the Regling’s III & IV Groups (425-400 BC?). possibility that parallel minting could take place in the same place, so as to permit possible exchanges of reverse dies between one anvil and another. Such exchanges, as said, are instead plausible and have also been accepted by other authors for a large number of mints. In any case, the proposed chronologies extend the series over a much larger timescale than that of the obverse dies identified. 61 S. Garraffo also discussed the equally complex articulation of the dies of the early series of Corinth, and in particular of classes II and III of the 1st Period, 61 Cf. Cahn 1970, 68-69 (“Serie I”, 530-520 BC), 123-124, 144-147 and 168-169. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it Fig. 12. - Scheme of organization and succession of control marks (obverse and reverse) and group of anvils of the Syracusan Zeus/Eagle bronze coins of Hicetas (283-279 BC). however deducing that they were used by a number of anvils contemporaneously. This fact, regardless of the scholar’s opinions, is particularly important for justifying a later chronology of these series and of the more ancient hoards and issues of Magna Graecia. 62 In some particular situations, on the other hand, ancient coins seem to speak to us of their origin even before allowing themselves to be “decoded” through the systematic study of the dies. In the presence of a large number of variants in iconography and in the control-marks, I believe that an attentive and prudent application of the combinatory technique may in fact lead to credible provisional proposals for the organisation of minting, similar to those so far formulated, also for those series whose corpus has not been completed. I in fact came to such a proposal following an initial analysis of the Syracusan Zeus Hellanios/Eagle on fulmen bronze coins (283-279 BC), whose variants seem to reveal a production using at least 5 work groups at the same time, distinguished on the basis of the different orientation (towards the right or left) of the head on the obverse, and of the different symbols placed behind the head (fig. 12). 63 F. Barritta and I, in our revision of the data so far published on the coins of Sybaris, concluded that the absence of significant die links, and the combination of variants in the way of describing the type and in the arrangement of the legend, suggested the possibility of minting in parallel groups, and thus of a later 62 63 Cf. Garraffo 1993, 316-317; Barritta & Carroccio 2006, 72-73. Cf. Carroccio 2004, 82, 164-165 and 300; Carroccio 2005. QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it PARALLEL STRIKING RECONSTRUCTION AND CHRONOLOGICAL NUMISMATIC INTERPRETATION 99 chronology, also due to the shorter duration of relief rather than incuse reverse dies. 64 This reconstruction also serves as the basis for the interpretation of the incuse technique as determined by the political influence of Pythagorism on the aristocracy of Magna Graecia, 65 which has for some time been accepted and verified by the majority of Italian historians. 66 Wishing to draw conclusions from the examples examined – clearly a small part of those available – I believe that they show, first of all, that an extended die study, also applied to the methods whereby dies were linked, still justifies the effort involved. However, this method, which in order to be applied more widely and scientifically requires the commitment of tenacious workgroups, rather than of isolated geniuses, loses its attraction if applied mechanically, like some complicated cataloguing procedure, and must be refined by trying to understand the way in which ancient mints worked, starting with the observed facts and trying to verify all the possible alternatives. Many issues can plausibly be explained by hypothesising the parallel use of a number of different anvils in the same premises, or premises near each other, where the reverse dies, produced in a number proportionate to those of the obverse dies, were not rigidly linked to the obverse dies, and could thus be exchanged from time to time. We should ask ourselves whether this method should be considered the normal method of coin production in ancient states, rather than the exception. M. Caltabiano, moreover, analysing the sources available on the argyrokopeia, showed that as a rule, there were no large buildings dedicated exclusively to coin production in the Greek world, because this was, as many have now acknowledged, not constant, but concentrated in periods of significant state expenditure. 67 These periods could be brief and intense, such as the single year 82 BC, in the course of which Rome, under the authority of Crepusius, due to a massive need of expenditure, used, as is known, 519 obverse dies and 525 reverse dies, obviously availing itself of a number of production lines working contemporaneously. 68 But acknowledging that ancient coin production was usually short and intense – and thus involved the use of much more than one die per year, a figure previously calculated without much credibility 69 – cannot be relegated to a process of quantification for the sake of it. Cf. Barritta & Carroccio 2006; Rutter 1997, 21 (for the shorter lifespan of the dies). Cf. Porph. Vita Pyth. 9 and 18; Barritta & Carroccio 2006, 70-76. 66 Cf. De Sensi Sestito 1983, 37-39 and 47-54; De Sensi Sestito 1988, 245-250; Mele 1981, 4153 and 64; Sassi 1988 (more cautiously), 567-572 and 575-581. 67 Caccamo Caltabiano 2001. 68 Cf. Crawford 1974, 361; Barello 2006, 128. 69 Cf. the scepticism already expressed by Jenkins 1970, 66-67 regarding the 0.60 dies per year at the time calculated for Syracusan issues between 435 and 412 BC compared to the 1.85 dies per year attributed to coin production in the years between 474 and 435 BC. 65 64 QUANTIFYING MONETARY SUPPLIES IN GRECO-ROMAN TIMES - © 2011 · Edipuglia s.r.l. - www.edipuglia.it 100 BENEDETTO CARROCCIO The constant and courageous application of comparative and combinatory methods which, despite the necessary differences, permitted Beazley and his successors to establish extremely precise chronologies for vase painting (with their domino effect on our entire knowledge of the Greek world), 70 may also allow us to establish absolute and equally precise chronologies for ancient coinage. In such a project, the ability to recognise dies and a mastery of the combinatory method will not suffice to achieve truly valid results, unless accompanied by the constant investigation and checking, not only of all the numismatic material available, but also of the validity of the old corpora, and of everything that has already been published (regardless of the linguistic “preferences” which have limited so many bibliographies). It must necessarily also involve checks on any historical, literary, epigraphical and archaeological data which can help clarify the historical context within which the individual issues were produced and which provided the reasons for their production. By working in this way, the numismatist will no longer have occasion to doubt the fundamental utility of his work, as he bears in mind that, as L. Breglia said: «Numismatic’s feet are in Archaeology, and its head is in History». Bibliography P. E. 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